Declaration of foundation of

RED OCTOBER  

Declaration of foundation and rules and regulations of the organisation RED OCTOBER (ROTER OKTOBER)

   

"...our first and most urgent practical task:

to create an organisation of

revolutionaries which is capable of lending energy,

toughness and continuity to the political struggle."

(W.I. Lenin, 'What is to be done?', 'Works', Vol. 5, p. 461).

 

For the construction of the Communist Party of Germany!

We need a Communist Party:

In December 2002 the organisation for the reconstruction of the Communist Party of Germany, Roter Oktober (Red October), was founded in Berlin!

After the degeneration of the 'C'PG (Red Dawn), where we come from, we have come to the conclusion that there is no communist party in Germany. However, the Communist Party is a necessity to bring down capitalism and to strenghten socialism after the revolution.

"The history of the Party teaches us above all that the victory of the proletarian revolution, the victory of the dictatorship of the proletariat, is impossible without the revolutionary party of the proletariat, a party free from opportunism, irreconcilable against conciliators and capitulators - a party which is revolutionary against the bourgeoisie and its state power.

The history of the Party teaches us: To leave the proletariat without such a party, means to leave it without revolutionary leadership. However, leaving it without a revolutionary leadership is tantamount to causing the failure of the proletarian revolution." ('History of the CPSU,B, Short Course', p. 439).

Therefore it is our historic task to work for the creation of the Communist Party in Germany! To create such a party, we need an organisation which works for the reconstruction of the fighting party of the proletariat in a systematic and purposeful manner. This organisation is Red October (Roter Oktober).

We base our work on the revolutionary working class movement of Germany founded by Marx and Engels, on the revolutionary social democracy under the leadership of Wilhelm Liebknecht and August Bebel as well as on the tradition of the November Revolution of 1918 and on the CPG established by Karl Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg and led by Ernst Thälmann, on people who gave their lives in the in the struggles of Kapp and Kuno, in the Hamburg uprising of 1923, in the resistance against fascism and for the liberation of the working class, for socialism in Germany.

We also see ourselves in the tradition of the CPG/ML founded by Ernst Aust in 1968/69 which continued the struggle of the CPG after the degeneration of the illegal CPG and after its leadership, in cooperation with the state, had founded the revisionist G'C'P. We refer to the CPG/ML whose illegal arm in the GDR had launched a struggle of communist resistance against the SED (SUG - Socialist Unity Party of Germany, ruling party in the former German Democratic Republic - transl.). and had fought for a unified, independent and socialist Germany. We finally left the CPG(Red Dawn) which itself had broken away from the CPG/ML after the latter had merged with a Trotskyite group and had embarked on a Trotskyite course.

We had to leave the 'C'PG (Red Dawn) and start a new organisation because it had ceased to be a communist party and could no longer develop along such line. The leaders of this party are revisionists and as such have nipped in the bud every attempt to further develop the 'C'PG (Red Dawn) along communist lines. So we withdrew from the 'C'PG to be able to lay the foundations for a new communist party through the communist organisation of Red October.

"Before one can unite, one must at first resolutely and uncompromisingly define ones viewpoint as opposed to others." (W.I. Lenin, 'What's to be done?', Berlin 1946, S. 53).

" 'The unity of the proletariat', Lenin said, "can ... only be brought about by the most revolutionary party of Marxism, by a ruthless struggle against all the other remaining parties." ('History of the CPSU,B, Short Course', ibid).

Because ...

"its clear and resolute stance against modern revisionism, Khrushchevism, Titoism, the Mao Zedong ideas, Eurocommunism, etc. is a hallmark of a genuine Marxist-Leninist party. To draw clear lines of demarcation on this issue is of great and fundamental importance. If a party tolerates illusions to be spread in its ranks ... then such a party ... no longer follows a Marxist-Leninist line." (E. Hoxha, 'Eurocommunism is Anticommunism', p. 219).

We intend to build a principled and steadfast Marxist-Leninist party. We therefore firmly base ourselves on the teachings of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin! That implies that we refer to the construction of socialism in the Soviet Union. The victory of the October Revolution showed to the world that socialism in one country is possible as was the case in the Socialist People's Republic of Albania.

We therefore follow the tradition of the Party of Labour of Albania (PLA) under the leadership of Enver Hoxha which fought a determined battle against revisionism and opportunism, and particularly against Maoism.

The foundation of the Third International was a further great and necessary step in the direction of the liberation of mankind when the communist movement declared war on imperialism on a global scale by means of organised cooperation.

However, at the 20th Congress of the CPSU revisionism in the Soviet Union was adopted officially. Even before, after Stalin's death in 1953, die revisionists had seized power in the Soviet Union.

 

Marxism-Leninism:

As Marxist-Leninists we defend Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin. The findings of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin made us understand the world and provided us with the philosophy of Marxism (dialectical materialism), the political economy and scientific socialism.

"Leninism is Marxism in the era of imperialism and the proletarian revolution. Leninism is the theory and tactics of the proletarian revolution in general, the theory and tactics of the dictatorship of the proletariat in particular." (J.W. Stalin, 'On fundamental principles of Leninism', Peking 1972, S. 3).

 

The working class as the revolutionary class:

We the workers and lower employees do not possess any private property of the means of production. So we are not interested in the preservation of private property as it serves as the basis for our being exploited by the capitalists.

If we want to free ourselves from exploitation and oppression, from wage labour, we have got to destroy the rule of capital. We are the class of the future and our living conditions within the capitalist system create the conditions for our historic task: to bring about Socialist Revolution.

Work in the factories, especially in the big concerns, has taught us strict discipline, to act unanimously and to support and help each other, even though the capitalists do all they can to make us fight each other. Wage labour has taught us that we have no tool to resist the capitalists other than our unity, our organisation. And the highest form of organisation - that is the communist organisation, that is Red October.

 

The theory of the proletarian revolution:

We live in the era of imperialism. In the course of its existence the imperialist system has become more and more contradictory and crisis-prone, which lies in its very nature. The rule of finance capital in the developed countries of the world, the expansion of capital exports and the all-pervading power of the finance oligarchy causes a revolutionary deepening of the crises in the capitalist countries.

When capitalism had developed into a world system, the world was split into two parts: There have emerged a handful of developed capitalist countries which are exploiting and oppressing a huge number of colonial and dependent countries that are compelled to fight for their liberation from imperialism which in turn causes a further deepening of the revolutionary crisis in these colonial countries.

The rule of the monopolies over 'spheres of influence' and colonies combined with the uneven development of the capitalist countries makes imperialism wage wars for the redistribution of the world. Since wars and imperialism go hand in glove, it is imperialism itself that creates an alliance between the proletarian and the colonial revolution which is bound to bring about a united international revolutionary front against the international alliance of imperialism.

So imperialism itself creates the objective conditions for the proletarian revolution. Consequently imperialism is the eve of the socialist revolution.

 

Revolution and violence:

At all times in the history of mankind and wherever you look, the exploiting classes - in their capacity of slave-owners or feudal landlords for example- fought tooth and nail to avoid their fall from power, tried all means possible to prevent their overthrow. If we intend to smash the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie, we have to bear in mind that the capitalist class will not surrender voluntarily. They will not bow to the decisions of a majority demanding their resignation. Neither will they accept a parliamentary vote in favour of their giving up power.

To deprive them of power we have to topple them. There is no peaceful road to socialism. The state apparatus of the bourgeoisie, the most important instrument the capitalists make use of to maintain their class rule, must be smashed in a violent socialist revolution and on its ruins the dictatorship of the proletariat must

be built. This is the only way for the working class and all working people to get rid of exploitation and oppression. It is the only road to socialism.

 

Socialism in one country:

Closely linked to proletarian internationalism, we fight for socialist world revolution. The revolution will not necessarily begin where industry is most developed. The front of capital will break where the chain of imperialism is weakest, where the economic and political crisis has matured most.

Speaking of proletarian world revolution does not mean that socialism in a single country is impossible. It is highly unlikely that the proletarian world will triumph in one breath. It is more likely that the revolution will break out in one or in only a few countries first.

The history of the construction of socialism in the Soviet Union and in Albania has shown that building socialism in one country is possible. However, the victory of socialism in one country remains part of the proletarian world revolution. The development and support for socialism in other countries is an essential task of triumphant revolution. The revolution in the victorious country is no end in itself it is a stronghold and a means to accelerate the victory of the proletariat in other countries.

Only the victory of the socialist world revolution will make a transition to communism possible.

 

Dictatorship of the proletariat:

After the socialist revolution we will establish the dictatorship of the proletariat whose essence is the political power of the working class. The dictatorship of the proletariat is the instrument for the proletarian revolution, its organ, its most important base. It is the task of the dictatorship, of the proletariat to crush the resistance of the former ruling exploiting class, to organise the creation of socialism and to arm the revolution for putting put up an organised battle against the external imperialist enemies. The dictatorship of the proletariat therefore constitutes an allout struggle and a struggle waged with all available means to defend the socialist revolution and to strengthen socialism. Through the dictatorship of the proletariat the working class is provided with an opportunity to educate itself as a force which is capable of fulfilling all its needs.

The dictatorship of the proletariat is no mere change of government, but the rule of the working class which makes use of the state apparatus. This state is a proletarian state equipped with proletarian instruments of power, a state for the whole working class. The proletarian state is a machine to keep down and liquidate the capitalist class. This means that socialism as a transitory society towards communism remains a class society but with one important difference as compared with all the hitherto known class societies: In socialism the political power rests in the hands of the formerly exploited majority which now rules over the formerly exploiting minority.

Therefore the dictatorship of the proletariat is a democratic regime in the sense that it is in favour of the working class and the poor. However, it is also dictatorial in that it is spearheaded against the remnants of the capitalist class.

The new organs of working class organisation are the councils. They are the comprehensive mass organisations of the working class. In each factory councils will be set up enabling all the workers without exception to get organised and thereby having a say in the affairs of socialist construction. Soviet power unites the local councils to form a nationwide organisation which constitutes a new type of state, a state that is not geared to serve the interests of the exploiters and oppressors of the toiling masses but whose task it is to bring about their complete liberation from any kind of oppression and exploitation, and this is the task of the dictatorship of the proletariat.

The communist party is the tool of the dictatorship of the proletariat which is necessary to conquer the dictatorship of the proletariat and to preserve it, i.e. the communist party, in the course of the struggle, has to centralise the whole movement so that it can rally around her. Only the communist party can fulfil the tasks set by the dictatorship of proletariat:

" ... to imbue millions of proletarians with the spirit of discipline and organisation; ...to erect a wall of protection and a bulwark within the proletarian masses against the corroding influences of petty bourgeois elemental forces and petty bourgeois habits; ...to support the organisational work of proletarians for the reeducation and remoulding of the petty bourgeois strata: ... to help the proletarian masses to educate themselves as the force which is capable of doing away with classes and creating the conditions for the organisation of socialist production. But all this is impossible to achieve without a party which is strong on account of its unity and discipline." (Ibid., p.125, italics by us).

 

The first stage of party building:

We are aware of our weaknesses. This weakness now lies in the fact that we are a communist organisation and surely not yet the Communist Party which, however, we are going to build!

We are at the beginning of the first stage of building the party:

"The first stage is the stage of moulding and constructing our party. ... In this period the party as a driving force is weak. ...The strategy of the party is necessarily limited, relatively poor, since the existence of resources and ways of manoeuvring are preconditions and are not there. The party concentrates on drawing up the strategic plan, i.e. on outlining the road which the movement must take, while the reserves of the party to make use of the contradictions in the enemies' camp, both inside and outside Russia, remain untapped due to the weakness of the party.

As far as the tactics of the party are concerned, they are also limited by necessity and lack drive, since the tactics presuppose that all the various shapes of the movement, the types of proletarian organisations, their combinations and complementations, etc. can be made use of in the interest of winning over the masses and securing a strategic success.

In this period it is the party itself, its very existence, its protection which is the focus of our attention and concern. It is a time when the party is viewed as a force which, in a way, rests in itself. This is quite understandable: The party's very existence is threatened by fierce attacks ... and by attempts to liquidate it from within and to substitute the party cadres by an amorphous nonentity of independents ... so that the issue of preserving the party will gain utmost importance in this period.

The most fundamental task of communism ... at this stage is to recruit for the party the best, the most active and those forces of the working class who are devoted to the cause of the proletariat, to set up the party of the proletariat and to make it walk. Comrade Lenin described this task by saying that 'the vanguard of the proletariat must be won for communism'." (J.W. Stalin, 'Works', Vol. 5, pp. 87f.).

"To win over the vanguard of the proletariat for communism means educating cadres, building a communist party, drafting a programme and a platform of tactics, with propaganda being the basic work." (Ibid., p. 69).

As long as and in so far as it is the main task to win over the vanguard of the proletariat for communism, propaganda still occupies top priority." (W. I. Lenin, 'Works', Vol. 31, p. 81).

We will use all our energy to build the communist party thus carrying out the historic task of creating the vanguard of the working class as the highest form of its class organisation!

 

For the time being, our main tasks are the following:

* to organise the most progressive forces, especially those of the working class;

* to study the Marxist-Leninist theory of the party and to put it into practice;

* to ecudate ourselves on a regular basis, primarily by studying the classics of Marxism-Leninism;

* to develop a concept for the reconstruction of the Communist Party of Germany;

* to work systematically for the creation and stabilisation of the organisation;

* to set up cells and bases for the organisation and to enlarge them;

* to conserve and plan our energies;

* to draw clear lines of demarcation to revisionism and opportunism;

* to start educating experts and cadres;

* to propagate communism;

* to draft daily communist policies;

* to go ahead with creating a central organ;

* to develop further open communist work;

* to move ahead with conspiratorial and illegal party building;

* to deepen our links to the working class;

* to support progressive movements and to make known communist viewpoints there, if strength allows;

* to make contributions to international solidarity.

 

The central organ as the ideological leader, collective organiser, agitator and propagandist:

"In our opinion the point of departure of our work, the first practical step for the construction of the desired organisation, finally, the guideline by means of which we are in a position to unswervingly develop this organisation, to deepen and extend it, must be the creation of a ... paper. Without such a paper it is impossible to systematically carry out principled and comprehensive propaganda and agitation. ..." (W. I. Lenin, 'What is to be done?', p. 27).

The creation of a central organ is of great importance for the construction of the Communist Party. The central organ is the ideological leader as well as the collective agitator, propagandist and organiser.

"I would just like to mention that the paper can be and must be the ideological leader of the party, that it has to develop the theoretical truths, the tactical principles, the general organisational ideas, the general tasks of the entire party at any given moment." (W. I. Lenin, 'Works', Vol. 6, p. 228).

So we did a first step in the direction of a central organ by launching 'Red October', our paper. We are going to integrate our practical work into the paper and the other way round. Among other things, our paper is a means to become known in the movement and to extend our influence.

We also use the internet to distribute our paper. In this field, too, we attach great importance to specialising certain cadres right from the start. Our paper must not become a mouthpiece for all kinds of opinions. There will be an editorial staff taking decisions as regards content right from the beginning.

 

On revolutionary violence:

"The communists spurn to keep their opinions and intentions a secret. They frankly declare that their goals can only be reached by violently overthrowing all previously existing social systems. Should the ruling classes tremble at the thought of communist revolution! The proletarians have nothing to lose in it other than their chains. They can, however, win a world. Proletarians of all countries, unite!" (Marx/Engels' Works, Vol. 4, p. 493).

Giving a wrong answer to the question of revolutionary violence has always been a sign of revisionism and opportunism:

"The necessity of teaching the masses systematically these views on the VIOLENT REVOLUTION lies at the root of the whole doctrine of Marx and Engels. The betrayal of their teachings by the present social chauvinist and Kautskyan currents is expressed particularly clearly in that this kind of PROPAGANDA AND AGITATION HAS BEEN FORGOTTEN here and there." (W. I. Lenin, 'Works', Vol. 25, p. 412f.; italics by us).

 

On organisation, strategy and tactics

As "the victory of the proletarian revolution, the victory of the dictatorship of the proletariat is impossible without the revolutionary party of the proletariat", (History of the CPSU,B - Short Course - p. 439).

the violent smashing of the capitalist will not succeed without a principled communist party which keeps educating itself, bolshevising itself. And that is the reason why we work and fight for creating the communist party. For us it is indispensable to state basic aspects of communist organisation, of its strategy and tactics that have already become part of the foundation of our provisional organisation. Even before founding a party we have to keep in mind these basic principles.

 

I. On communist organisation.

Organisation for establishing a communist party:

To triumph in the socialist revolution, the working class must form its leading core, it must found its political party as an instrument to realize its revolutionary interests. This militant proletarian party is the communist party which stands up to all the parties of the exploiting classes irreconcilably, to their agencies within the labour movement included. Under the present conditions in Germany, the foundation of a Marxist-Leninist organisation is a first step towards building such a party, an organisation which, in a purposeful way, works for the construction of the communist party. 'Red October' is such an organisation.

 

Marxism-Leninism versus revisionism:

In all our work we refer to Marxism-Leninsm, to the teachings of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin. This demands a complete breach with all currents of revisionism. Above all, we will defend Marxism-Leninism consistently against socialdemocratic revisionism, against Khrushchev revisionism, Maoism, Trotskyism, Titoism, Eurocommunism as well as against the other currents of reformism, revisionism and opportunism. All these currents have unique features. However, what they have in common is their profound antimarxist and antiproletarian character, their fierce struggle against the proletarian revolution and the dictatorship of the proletariat, against socialism and communism in the interest of imperialism and social imperialism, of the exploiting classes and reaction. Without such a complete and definite breach with all these types of revisionism, the communist party cannot be built.

We feel that there must not be an alliance with revisionism. Drawing a clear line of demarcation to revisionism is essential for our work right from the start.

"The theory of 'overpowering' opportunistic elements by means of ideological struggle within the party, the theory of 'overcoming' these elements within the framework of one and the same party is a rotten and dangerous theory which causes the risk of condemning the party to a state of paralysis and chronic infirmity and leaving it completely in the hands of the opportunists, which means leaving the proletariat without a revolutionary party and depriving the proletariat of the most important weapon in its fight against imperialism. ...

The road to the development and strenghtening of the party leads via its purification from opportunists and reformists, from social imperialists and social chauvinists, from social patriots and social pacifists. The party will be strengthened by purifying itself from opportunist elements." (J. W. Stalin, 'Works', Vol. 6, pp. 126f).

However, if this purification does not take place...what kind of unity have we got then?

"Unity is a big slogan!" (W. I. Lenin, 'Works', Vol. 20, p. 228).

...Lenin wrote,

"However, the cause of the workers requires the unity among Marxists but not the unity with the opponents and falsifiers of Marxism."

And he was right when he pointed out that

"there can be violations of principles of such a serious nature that the rupture of all organisational relations becomes obligatory." (W. I. Lenin, 'Works', Vol. 11, p.315).

We had to go this road of separation since the intra-party struggle had become a dead end and did not bear any fruit anymore. The reason being that the 'C'PG/Red Dawn is no longer capable of developing further! The 'C'PG/Red Dawn does not show any determination and spreads illusions. While realising that this party is degenerating it does not mean that we will make the mistake of slandering it as it cannot be denied that it also achieved certain progressive things. We are going to conserve the positive sides and at the same time we are going to learn from its mistakes to avoid them in the future!

The working class must not be left without revolutionary leadership! Fighting for the the reconstruction of the communist party means that we are in favour of Marxist-Leninist unity but not in favour of an alliance with anyone who deems himself a Marxist-Leninist.

"If you have reformists, Mensheviks in your ranks, it is impossible to triumph in the proletarian revolution, it is impossible to maintain it. This obviously is a matter of principle." (W. I. Lenin, 'Stalin Works', Vol. 6, p. 163).

Without breaking with revisionism and opportunism we will not be able to fulfil our primary task.

"The first historic task - winning over the class-conscious vanguard of the proletariat for Soviet power and the dictatorship of the proletariat - could not have been achieved without the FULL IDEOLOGICAL AND POLITICAL TRIUMPH over opportunism and social chauvinism ..."

(W. I. Lenin, 'Works', Vol. 31, pp. 80f. - italics by us).

 

On democratic centralism:

Even now we adhere to democratic centralism in our organisation, i.e. the democratic election of all leading bodies from bottom to top; accountability of the elected leadership and bodies to those who elected them; subordination of the minority under the majority; keeping strict organisational discipline.

 

Linking theory to practice:

It is necessary to continuously study the revolutionary theory of Marxism-Leninism and to identify with it, a theory which is inseparably linked to revolutionary practice. It is a necessity that we elaborate a correct strategy and tactics, the slogans and directives not on the basis of 'formulae' and quotations, of superficial historical parallels, but based on a careful analysis of the concrete conditions in Germany and elsewhere as Marxism-Leninism is no dogma but an instruction for revolutionary action.

 

On organising the working class:

THE GOAL WHICH IS OF PRIME IMPORTANCE TO US IS TO ORGANISE THE MOST PROGRESSIVE FORCES OF THE WORKING CLASS. Conditions of membership must be in keeping with the aim of encouraging the most class conscious workers to join our organisation.

Our organisational work must be centred around the working class, especially, however, around the industrial workers.

 

On cadres:

We must work towards forming a leading proletarian nucleus and try hard to systematically train new proletarian cadres and entrust them with executive duties. These leading cadres of our organisation must have close links to the working class. This surely is very difficult to achieve in the primary stage, but it must be our guideline from the start. The authority of this leading core should not primarily be based on theoretical knowledge and journalistic skills, but must be rooted in a principled revolutionary attitude and in consistent revolutionary practice.

 

On Bolshevik criticism and self-criticism:

Criticism and self-criticism is a law of development for a communist organisation. We must not conceal our mistakes and fear criticism. The attitude of a communist organisation to its mistakes is one of the most important criteria for its seriousness as well as for the fulfilment of its obligations towards the working class. TO ADMIT A MISTAKE OPENLY, TO UNCOVER ITS ROOTS, TO ANALYSE THE CIRCUMSTANCES WHICH GENERATED IT, TO CHECK THE MEANS CAREFULLY TO REMOVE IT - THAT IS CARRYING OUT ONES DUTIES, THAT IS REAL EDUCATION AND TRAINING OF THE CLASS. Without doing that it would be impossible to train cadres since these are developed and educated by fighting their own mistakes, by overcoming them.

The strength of a communist party is based on collective work. The individual is always biased. Only the collective enables us to see things objectively. Therefore we attach great importance to discussing the work of the comrades frankly. The open manner of dealing with criticism and self-criticism is a precondition for having a communist organisation. In this regard the purification within the own ranks is an important part of Bolshevik criticism and self-criticism. Making mistakes in communist work cannot be prevented. However, with open criticism and self-criticism it can be excluded that mistakes are concealed and repeated.

Bolshevik criticism and self-criticism is also one of the most important means of developing inner democracy. The means of criticism and self-criticism is made use of to get rid of everything unsuitable and degenerating. We have to reflect on our work, on our struggle to achieve an improvement in our work, to nip in the bud red tape and to expose the enemies of the working class. Learning from our own mistakes is a safeguard for developing, educating and training our own ranks.

"To openly admit a mistake, to uncover its roots, to study the situation in which in could arise and to reflect carefully on the means of correcting these mistakes - these are the hallmarks of a serious party, this constitutes a performance of its duties, this is what class education and training and later also mass education is all about." (Wolin, 'A Basic Knowledge of Politics', p. 123, quoting Lenin).

"We must not conceal our mistakes only because the enemy could make use of it. Everyone who is afraid of that is not a revolutionary. Quite the opposite! If we tell the workers frankly: 'Look, we did make mistakes' - this implies that we won't make them again. ..." (W. I. Lenin, 'Works', Vol. 32, p. 500).

It is not possible to build our organisation without unfolding Bolshevik criticism and self-criticism. However, it would be wrong to reduce Bolshevik criticism and self-criticism to the recognition of mistakes: Their analysis is also important. It is characteristic of Bolshevik criticism and self-criticism that one learns from mistakes and that everything is done to avoid them in the future! Any attempt to trivialize criticism and self-criticism or to suppress it must be resisted the same way as those attempts which are undertaken in to order to use criticism and self-criticism as a lever to undermine or split the organisation.

 

The purification of the organisation is an expression of Bolshevik criticism and self-criticism:

"Without regularly purifying the party from wavering elements the party cannot be consolidated. Comrade Lenin taught us that the party can only be strengthened if it purifies itself gradually from wavering elements that penetrate the party and will also be penetrating the party in the future." (Wolin, 'A Basic Knowledge of Politics', p. 124, quoting Stalin at the 13th Congress of the CPSU,B in 1924).

By purifying the organisation from wavering or hostile elements it will eventually become stronger. The aim of purification is to raise the ideological level of its members and to strengthen it politically and organisationally. Purifying the organisation must not, however, be confused with arbitrary expulsions. Rather it is a conscious and disciplined process and has to be effected in an open manner within the organisation.

 

On discipline:

Our unity and strict discipline make us strong. Strict discipline in the organisation, however, is unimaginable without unanimity, without full and unconditional unity in action of all members. Identical views as to the programme, to strategy, tactics and organisational principles is the foundation on which our organisation is erected and on which it acts. If the identity of views is destroyed, the organisation will also collapse. Consequently, a member can only be called someone who accepts unconditionally the political line outlined in our programme, the strategy and tactics and the organisational principles and who tries to put this into practice, who takes an active part in the work of a cell and pays the membership fee.

 

No fractionalism:

The existence of fractions is incompatible with both the unity and the iron discipline of a communist organisation. We can only grow and gain strength to the extent we fight against opportunistic, antirevolutionary and hostile elements. We must ruthlessly expel all elements of revisionism, all conciliators and all elements of capitulationism, of degeneration and disorganisation from our ranks. By expelling opportunist elements we will become stronger.

 

Legal and illegal party building:

Even under conditions of legality and semi-legality we have to adhere to the principle of illegal party building, as otherwise we will hardly be in a position to continue the fight under conditions of illegality without being crushed by the capitalist class and their agencies. On the other hand we must try to make use of the existing legal possibilities of the struggle to get into close contact with the masses and to revolutionise them.

"For all countries, even for the most liberal, the most 'legal' and the most 'peaceful' in the sense that the class struggle there seems to be less severe, the time has come for each party to make a systematic linkage between legal and illegal work, between legal and illegal organising an absolute priority. For even in the most enlightened and most liberal countries with the most 'stable' bourgeois democratic regime, the governments - contrary to their own hypocritical and mendacious declarations - already resort to drawing up black lists of communists, to endlessly violating their own constitution in order to officially or secretly support the white guards and the murder of communists, resort to secretly preparing the arrest of communists, to smuggling agent provocateurs in the ranks of communists, etc. etc.. Only a reactionary petty bourgeois frame of mind using all sorts of nice 'democratic' and 'pacifist' phrases as a cover-up can deny these facts or the inevitable conclusions which have to be drawn from them that all legal communist organisations must create illegal organisations immediately to effect illegal work systematically and to prepare themselves for the moment the persecution by the bourgeoisie will start." (W. I. Lenin, 'Works', Vol. 31, p. 183).

For us this means that we will not be fooled by the 'liberties' of the present 'democratic' system. On the contrary: From the beginning we recognize the necessity of illegal work and illegal party building. However, we must not isolate ourselves from the working class by stressing the need of illegal work.

 

Forms of struggle:

In our work we must learn to link an irreconcilable revolutionary attitude (not to be confused with adventurism!) with a maximum of flexibility and manoeuvrability (not to be confused with opportunism!). To be able to lead the working class to revolution, we must improve our understanding of developing a correct strategy and the right tactics for the struggle of the working class, for the construction of the communist party and for mastering all forms of struggle (peaceful and violent, open and clandestine, legal and illegal, struggles on a national and on an international level, etc.) and all types of organisations and of combining them and, according to the situation, of substituting one form of struggle by another.

 

Proletarian internationalism:

In our struggle we must be guided by proletarian internationalism, i.e. we have to judge the issue of revolution in Germany from the perspective of the world revolution of the working class. We must support the struggles of the working classes of other countries for socialism and the liberation struggle of the oppressed peoples against imperialism.

We will make a great contribution to the proletarian world revolution if our organisation remains loyal to the revolutionary principles and goals of the international revolutionary working class movement and if it does everything possible to lead the working class in Germany to victory over the capitalist class and imperialism. We share Lenin's view:

"It is the task of a representative of the revolutionary proletariat ... to prepare for proletarian world revolution as this is the only safeguard against the horrors of worldwide slaughtering. I am not allowed to judge from the perpective of my 'own' country ..., but from the perspective of my participating in the preparation, the propagation, the acceleration of proletarian world revolution.

This is true internationalism, this is the task of an internationalist, of a revolutionary worker, of a true socialist." (W. I. Lenin, 'Works', Vol. 28, p. 287).

By weakening or crushing our principle enemy, German imperialism, we will make an internationalist contribution for the weakening of international imperialism.

We are fighting for the unity of all communist parties on the basis of Marxism-Leninism.

The unity of Marxist-Leninist parties and organisations does not primarily rest on declarations and resolutions, but is based on joint actions according to the principles and teachings of Marxism-Leninism.

When swearing loyalty to the principle of proletarian internationalism, these are no empty words. In spite of the present weaknesses we will help to create the unity of the international Marxist-Leninist movement. From the outset we will strive for the establishment, the broadening and fostering of international contacts and ties as well as for developing a common struggle. We will take part in international demonstrations, meetings and campaigns - according to our possibilities.

We will devote our energies to organising bilateral and multilateral consultations, talks and joint actions in a spirit of proletarian internationalism, absolute openness and warm comradeship on the basis of equal rights. The reconstruction of the Communist International is our task for which we have to make the greatest possible contribution.

 

II. On Marxist-Leninist strategy:

Socialist revolution:

Germany is a highly industrialised, imperialist country. Here the working class, the organisation for the construction of the party, Red October, and the party which still has to be founded, are confronted with the strategic task of preparing and carrying out the socialist revolution.

For us the Leninist theory of the proletarian revolution constitutes a general and indispensable law for the transition from capitalism to socialism. The working class and its vanguard (which we are going to build!) cannot secure power without the violent destruction of bourgeois power, without the smashing of the bourgeois state apparatus (the bourgeois army, the police force, the judiciary, the hierarchic bureaucracy, the parliaments, etc.) and its replacement by new organs of proletarian power, which will serve as instruments to suppress the exploiters and to defend socialism, whereas the working class will unfold the broadest possible socialist democracy.

 

Preparation and leadership:

We have to prepare the working class politically, ideologically, organisationally and militarily for violent revolution. We emphasize that all steps for preparing and conducting the armed struggle must be guided by proletarian policies whose instrument is the communist organisation. The armed struggle must be based on the broad masses and on their support.

Without these preconditions an armed struggle will never be revolutionary to the end. On the contrary: It will sooner or later die down or end in defeat.

 

Revolutionary situation:

The triumph of revolution requires a revolutionary situation. In this respect we must fight idealistic and subjective views and adventurism which tend to thoughtlessly start a revolution before the objective and subjective conditions have matured. To send the vanguard of the working class into the decisive battle on its own before the broad masses of the working people are prepared to support it unconditionally or at least have adopted an attitude of benevolent neutrality towards it and have withdrawn any support for the enemies of revolution, would not just be foolish but an unpardonable mistake.

On the other hand we must fight those right revisionists who even in case of having a revolutionary situation refuse to lead the revolution and to seize political power. Only the communist party, which will have to be founded, can lead the revolution.

 

The revolutionary process:

We reject any kind of dogmatic and mechanical approach as to the question of possible forms of revolution and its possible course, for as history has shown, the revolution can proceed in many different ways: for example as a non-stop process starting with the organisation of mass protests, with strikes together with demonstrations leading up to a general strike which might join up with an armed rebellion against the authorities of the exploiting class and which might lead to a sudden victory or convert into a prolonged people's war; it may start with a partisan war, with guerrilla warfare in towns and in the countryside against the bourgeois state, it may continue with major battles and end up in a general armed rebellion for the overthrow of the exploiting class; it may result from an unjust imperialist war which the working class turns into a just, revolutionary liberation struggle.

We must prepare for these and further possible events signalling the outbreak of revolution and we must be prepared for different turns of events. We must not exclude one or the other possibility of the outbreak and the course of the revolution or reject it or just concentrate on a single eventuality as such an attitude may result in failing to use any chance for the revolutionary struggle.

To achieve a victory in the revolution it is a must that the Communist Party, which is still to be founded, represents the working class and becomes the dominating force within the working class. It is also essential to expose all types of revisionism and to isolate them so that revisionism will be ignored in the working class or be destroyed as much as possible. Without solving this problem there can be no thought of a triumphant proletarian revolution, of installing the dictatorship of the proletariat successfully. To make sure that we, the working people, will win the upper hand, we must be ONE will, we must be led by ONE party, a party that enjoys the undisputed trust of the working class.

 

III. On Marxist-Leninist tactics

Ways and means of struggle, forms and methods:

The most important aspect of tactics for our communist organisation is to determine ways and means, forms and methods of struggle which are best suited to a given situation at a given point of time and which are the best preparation for achieving a strategic success. Therefore tactical measures and their outcome must not be judged from the point of view of immediacy but from a point of view of tasks and chances of strategy.

We must do everything possible to lead the working class into the offensive if the circumstances require such an offensive and we must protect the working class from the punches of a strong enemy and make her retreat if the situation requires such a withdrawal. We must propagate those slogans and forms of organisation which are ideally suited to the conditions and the level of maturity of the movement and which are suited to the task of helping the masses to adopt revolutionary points of view, of drawing them into the front line of revolution and of facilitating and securing their correct positioning along this revolutionary front line.

We are obliged to soberly analyse the given level of consciousness and maturity of the entire class (not just the one of their communist vanguard) and of the whole of the working masses (and not just the one of their most progressive representatives) and to proceed from there.

 

Experiences of the masses:

Bringing the working class and the broad masses of the working people and all those who are oppressed by capital closer to the positions of the communist organisation and revolution, cannot be achieved by propaganda and agitation alone. This can only be achieved by the masses proper experiences. Therefore it is our job to provide them with a chance to see for themselves that the overthrow of the old regime is inevitable and that the revolutionary slogans are correct. We must realise that the most backward strata of the exploited masses can be roused and educated above all by the economic struggle, by fighting for the immediate and instant improvement of their fate. The struggle educates us, the struggle teaches us to judge our strength, broadens our horizon, improves our skills, enlightens our minds, steels our willpower.

 

Leadership instead of trotting behind:

We must not confine ourselves to register what the masses of workers feel and think. We must not trot behind spontaneous movements, but must seek to raise the standards of the masses - according to the existing possibilities - we must make the working class become aware of their true interests. We are obliged not to sink to the standards of the most backward strata of the working class and the working people. On the contrary: We must be ahead of them, we must be more farsighted, we must understand to improve our leadership skills and must try to raise these strata to the level of the revolutionaries. Checking on slogans, directives and decisions:

We must reexamine our slogans, directives and policies and adapt them to the realities of the class struggle and to the reactions of the non-aligned masses of workers and working people and, in case errors have been committed uncover its causes to eliminate them so that our policies can be rectified in time. It is always necessary that we check systematically on the implementation of our own decisions and directives, as otherwise we will run the risk that they might become empty promises.

 

Exposure of reformists and revisionists:

To solve the problem of minimizing the influence of the reformist and revisionist agencies at least among the class conscious workers, we have to expose them above all in the course of the daily struggles for the immediate needs of the working class, apart from having to unmask them in questions of principle and strategy. We must not just denounce them on remote issues but have to isolate them in the daily struggles of the working class in favour of the improvement of their living conditions and their political situation.

It is our task to expose the reformist and revisionist traitors of the working class, but at the same time to get through to the reformist and revisionist masses of the working class who have got lost in the jungle of reformist and revisionist disorientation and thus win the majority of the working class for communism. It is our task to help our class comrades, who have lost a clear orientation, to find the right track and to make it easier for them to go over to the side of communism.

 

Winning control over the trade unions:

In highly industrialised, imperialist Germany it is impossible to gain the leadership of the working class without winning control of the trade unions and without putting into effect proletarian united front tactics free from sectarian and opportunistic bonds. Therefore it is our duty to gradually build up systematic work even in the most reactionary unions as long as they are organisations of the broad masses with the aim of uniting the workers in a single united front against capital.

We have got to work in the unions to build up and intensify contacts with the most advanced forces who are prepared to fight or who have already joined the struggle. In this context we must not make the mistake of getting bogged down in 'committee work'. Furthermore, as an organisation which still has to build the Communist Party, we must not delude ourselves and think that even now we would be in a position of winning effective mass influence and would be able to lead mass struggles, etc.! It would be fundamentally wrong to concentrate on this matter. Instead, it is our immediate objective to establish links to the most advanced sections of the working class and to organise these forces. This is indispensable for winning influence among the masses.

Without solving this problem, the Communist Party which has still to be founded in Germany, neither can become a genuine mass party nor will it be able to create the necessary conditions for the victory of the working class. Without this precondition the new Communist Party should not waste a single thought on the erection of the dictatorship of the proletariat.

Having said that it is absolutely essential to work in the trade unions, it does by no means follow that we should restrict our activities to the unions which are controlled by the reformists and that the communists should become mere slaves of the rules and demands of theses associations. Since the reformist leadership of the labour unions in Germany is intertwined with the bourgeoisie, we will not be able to lead this struggle without breaking the existing trade union framework up to a certain point in order to organise the resistance of the workers inside and outside the labour unions against the will of the union bosses who have sold themselves to the capitalist class.

 

The struggle against reaction, fascist tendencies and fascism:

We have to fight against reaction, fascist tendencies and fascism, against the dismantling of bourgeois democratic freedoms and for their preservation and their extension. Imperialism tends to lead to fascism. Fascism is prepared by introducing fascist tendencies. Fascism is a tool of imperialism to intensify exploitation still further. Therefore the struggle against fascist tendencies and fascism itself is part and parcel of the class struggle!

 

Linking reforms to socialist revolution:

We must learn to tie the economic and political struggle for reforms to the struggle for socialism both in our propaganda and in our day-to-day practise. This can be achieved by conducting the struggle in such a way that the working class will be able to learn to see the necessity and the usefulness of the socialist revolution and by doing so getting closer to proletarian revolution. In this context we must never lose sight of the fact that the political struggle for reforms is always subordinated to the struggle for socialism and has to serve it. The capitalist system cannot be repaired. The idea that essential progress can be won through reforms is tantamount to reformism and outright counter-revolutionary!

 

Imperialist wars:

We have to inform the working class and the broad masses of the people about the fact that imperialism engenders unjust wars by necessity in order to raise their vigilance as to the dangers of imperialist wars. However: Though this educational work is a must, it is not sufficient. We have a duty - according to our possibilities - to mobilise the working class, the masses, all peace loving forces in Germany to stop all impending imperialist wars. We must develop concrete demands and must try to mobilise as many people as possible for their implementation which will make it harder for the imperialist warmongers to launch an imperialist war of conquest. Moreover, we must fight the propaganda telling us that the impending war, which is on their agenda, is inevitable to cripple the resistance of the masses against the imperialist warmongers and must support the conviction among the masses that it is possible to prevent a concrete imperialist war from breaking out or that it is possible to end it, providing mass resistance is strong enough.

 

Work in the army:

If strength allows and provided it is possible to organise continuous and well adviced work, we must unfold anti-militaristic activities among the soldiers in the imperialist army and must defend the interests of the soldiers against those officers who try to violate them, we must popularise the idea to turn round the rifles in case of an imminent imperialist war or a civil war. To be able to do this subversive work within the imperialist army, we must, in the long run, try to create cells in the army (with the creation of cells near big industrial enterprises taking priority).

 

Judging the nature of a war:

We never judge the nature of a war from a German point of view. Whether or not a given war is reactionary or revolutionary ( i.e., whether it is a just or unjust war) does not depend on who the attacker is and in whose country the 'enemy' is stationed, but on which social class conducts the war and on what kind of policy is continued by the war. So the answer to the question depends on whether the war serves social progress or not. If the war is a reactionary, imperialist war, i.e. a war which is waged by powers or groups of powers of the imperialist, violent, predatory, reactionary capitalist class, we must do everything possible to answer it by turning it into a revolutionary war. We must answer the imperialist war by propagating, preparing and putting into practice revolutionary mass agitation for the purpose of ending the rule of the exploiting class.

 

Antiimperialistic struggle versus 'defending the fatherland':

We are against the idea of 'defending the fatherland' and reject it as counterrevolutionary. However, this does not mean that we can abstain from supporting the liberation struggle in non-imperialist countries in which a liberation struggle is waged against imperialism because these countries have been invaded by imperialism. In these countries the necessity may arise of entering a temporary alliance with the national exploiting class if it wages war against imperialism and if it does not bar the communists from educating the workers and the poor peasants in the spirit of communism.

 

GENERAL STATEMENT ON THE SITUATION IN GERMANY

Germany is a highly industrialised country. The strength of German imperialism has become so enormous that Germany now ranks among the leading imperialist powers in the world! The power of German imperialism stretches far beyond the frontiers of the FRG. Its power over foreign territories, countries and peoples is underpinned by its economic might and the corresponding exercise of pressure and to an ever increasing degree also by a military presence, by its increasing aggressiveness and militaristic policies. German militarism, the tool of German imperialism, is going into the offensive.

German imperialism though is a competitor to other powers, which does not exclude that it is prepared to enter into temporary alliances with other powers ( for example via the European Union). There are far-reaching contradictions in relation to other imperialist powers. The main adversary is US-imperialism. To weaken US-imperialism or to stand up to it in competition, German imperalism is trying to build up a power centre - the European Union - in opposition to the one led by the US. German imperialism is using all its resources to widen its leadership within the EU. What is more, the European currency was pushed by German imperialism to create a currency which could become a counterpart to the leading dollar currency.

Imperialism tends to cause economic crises. They can be tempered temporarily by aggravating exploitation for instance. So it does not come as a surprise that the attacks of German imperialism on the working class in Germany become fiercer. Mass unemployment, the dismantling of the welfare state, etc. are on the agenda. In all spheres of life the decay of capitalism comes to the fore. The pressure on us, the working class, exercised by the capitalist class, makes itself felt more and more. Democratic rights are cut back or ignored. Our principle enemy is German imperialism!

Anticommunism is especially widespread in Germany. After the liberation from fascism by the Red Army the capitalist class feared that the population would sympathise with the communists. So they launched professionally organised anticommunist campaigns, falsified history, etc.. The experiences with the German Democratic Republic are also worth mentioning. Both the revisionist leadership there and the Western capitalist class coined the system in the GDR 'socialist', although it had never been socialist. The working class could not exercise its class rule there, but a regime of exploiters did which prepared for the restoration of capitalism. The positive sides of the first post-war years were gradually eliminated. Revisionist elements, the German 'Communist' Party included, have greatly contributed to anti-communist propaganda with their policy.

The German working class is split, among other things, by the labour aristocracy which has been bribed by privileges and extra-profits. This also applies to the trade union leadership which was bought by capital even a long time ago. Nevertheless there are spontaneous protests from time to time. However, at the present time the Marxist-Leninist movement is so weak that it often has to run behind the movement, let alone lead protests. It is our task to change this state of affairs.

 

GENERAL STATEMENT ON THE SITUATION OF THE MARXIST-LENINIST MOVEMENT IN GERMANY

Never in history before has the Marxist-Leninist movement been so weak as now a days. However, new forces have remerged and got back on their feet again, now that we are founding our organisation. These are forces that will be able to reconstruct the Communist Party of Germany hand in hand with other Marxist-Leninists and the most progressive sections of the working class.

In Germany there are parties, organisations, groups and circles in abundance calling themselves 'socialist', 'communist' or 'Marxist-Leninist'. In reality they are organisations of revisionism and opportunism. Revisionism and opportunism is widespread. This constitutes an enormous threat to the communist movement. Apart from classic revisionist organisations such as the G'C'P, there are numerous Trotskyite, Maoist and other organisations of different brands. But one must not forget that there exist progressive individual forces, spread all over the country. It is, however, absolutely necessary to draw clear lines of demarcation with regard to these multiple revisionist currents. It is necessary to separate the wheat from the chaff and to build the Communist Party together with the honest forces!

 

 

WITHOUT A COMMUNIST PARTY

NO SOCIALISM IN GERMANY!

 

So contact us!

  SUPPORT RED OCTOBER!  

FORWARD WITH RED OCTOBER!

   

(The declaration was approved at the founding conference in December 2002 with amendments being made at the general meeting in March 2003).